By Rex Li
A emerging China, diplomacy theories, and chinese language safety discourse of East Asian powers -- Hegemonic aspirations in a unipolar international : US safety method lower than the George Bush Snr and invoice Clinton presidencies -- September eleven, pre-emption and the Bush Doctrine : US safeguard procedure less than the George W. Bush management -- safeguard, identification, and strategic selection : Japan's quest for an excellent strength prestige -- A key participant in an rising multipolar global : Russia and East Asian safety -- China's reaction to the protection problem of the most important powers in East Asia : id building and nice strength aspirations -- chinese language safeguard discourse and its implications for the talk at the upward push of China
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Extra resources for A Rising China and Security in East Asia: Identity Construction and Security Discourse (Politics in Asia)
Clearly, there is a need to broaden the scope of coverage as well as the range of sources in assessing China’s changing perceptions of the great powers over the past 18 years. The second category of literature on Chinese security perceptions is countrybased. Not surprisingly, Chinese perceptions of the United States have attracted most academic attention. In a book-length study, Jianwei Wang (2000) has combined international relations theories with social psychological approaches to analyze Sino-American mutual images.
While Japan and India were often referred to as potential candidates looking to fill the vacuum in the event of an American withdrawal from the Asia-Pacific, it was China that realists believed was the ‘hegemon on the horizon’ (Roy 1994, 1995). As Kenneth Waltz (1993: 66) argues, it would be ‘a structural anomaly’ for a country with a great power economy not to become a great power. Realist scholars have also pointed out that eligible states will not become great powers unless their policy-makers make a ‘unit-level decision’ to respond to the structural factors driving them in that direction (Layne 1993: 9).
Similarly, Stuart Harris (1997: 151) argues that China’s ‘cognitive learning’ in the areas of economic activity supports the liberal view that cooperation is possible, even among ‘liberal’ and ‘non-liberal’ societies. This analysis is shared by Samuel Kim (1994: 433) who argues that some ‘global learning’ is taking place in China. Based on their research on the impact of interdependence on China’s foreign relations, both Robinson (1994) and Kim (1994) conclude that interdependence in one sphere does help facilitate interdependence in other spheres.